Tolerance and Socio-Economic Support in the Lives of Senegalese Migrants

Abstract:

By looking at ethnographic evidence, one can conclude that ideologies at the core of Islam and Sufi’ism are responsible for the level of tolerance experienced by Senegalese migrants in foreign countries. One can also conclude that Sufi’ism with special focus on the Mouride brotherhood acts as a socio-economic support system for Senegalese migrants in foreign countries.

In Senegal, it is argued that there exists a “culture of migration” (Barbali 2009:81). This is to say that the western-centric economic push-pull factor framework does not completely explain or help Anthropologists understand Senegalese migration (Zinn cited in Barbali 2009:81). In the paper I will look at the role that religion plays in the experiences of this Senegalese culture of migration and the experiences of those migrants in the South African city of Port Elizabeth and the Italian city of Bari.

In order to understand the transnational function of religion in Senegalese migration, it is important for one to understand the ideologies at the core of Sufi’ism and Islam as these ideologies play a fundamental role in how Senegalese migrants perceive their foreign countries as well as how the locals of these countries perceive Senegalese migrants. This is especially relevant when studying the 2008 xenophobic outbreaks in South Africa and the extent of Senegalese involvement. One must also understand the underlying vertical and hierarchical structures that exist within Sufi’ism as they structures provided support for talibes in foreign countries.

According to Barbali, “Sufi’ism is characterized by the organization of its followers into monastic orders or brotherhoods with an emphasis on detachment from the pleasure of the mortal world and is rarely militant or revolutionary” (2009:92). There are many Sufi brotherhoods. In this paper I will focus on the Mouride brotherhood as all Senegalese migrants in Port Elizabeth belong to this brotherhood as well as there being good ethnographic examples of this that are provided by Barbali (2009:92).

Amadou Bamba founded the Mouride brother in the 1880’s (Riccio 2004:931). Followers of this brotherhood are called talibes, which means disciples (Barbali 2009:93). The highest position in the Mouride brotherhood is that of the Khalifa general who is the eldest surviving male kin of Amadou Bamba (Barbali 2009:81). Beneath the Khalifa general is a hierarchy of marabouts and these marabouts are believed to be intermediaries between the spiritual world and the world of men (Barabali 2009:95). Because of the growing pressures of urbanization, talibes are organized in daairas (Villalon 1995:150). These daairas are cells that are organized by neighbourhoods and perform various socio-religious functions such as providing group cohesion to talibes of a particular marabout (Barbali 2009:96).

Bamba’s teachings emphasized the importance of hard work (Barbali 2009:95). Also key to Sufi ideology is the belief that all humans are creatures of God regardless of their respective religions (Werbner cited in Barbali 2009:84). They two points are crucial in understanding how Senegalese migrants integrate into foreign environments. Senegalese migrants work hard so locals perceive them as contributing to their new society versus perceiving them as being a burden to the society as a whole. Senegalese migrants are tolerant and respectful to people of different cultural backgrounds. This has also been key to the success of Senegalese migrant integrations.

Barbali provides ethnographic evidence of this claim. She interviewed a South African street vendor in Port Elizabeth that operates next to a Senegalese migrant.

You know, there are some people who should not be allowed to come here. Those Nigerians and just too much trouble for us. Selling drugs and using local woman as prostitutes. You know the ones you see walking wherever you go in central. But the people from Senegal. They are soft, not violent like Somalis and Nigerians. They go to [Mosque] and they work hard here with us who also work hard. They treat us with respect. But you know Silvanna the other traders, ah, it depends. Some are friendly and they work hard but some I think they are also criminals when they go home at night. (Barbali 2009:118).

On the whole, it appears that the Senegalese in South Africa were mostly unaffected by the xenophobic outbreaks in 2008 because of the work-hard attitudes and the perception of them being “good immigrants”(Barbali 2009:118). Zinn claims that locals in Bari express much the same attitude to Senegalese immigrants (2005:62). This attitude being that Senegalese migrants are beneficial for the host society.

The Sufi brotherhood and specifically the Mouride branch plays another important role in the lives of Senegalese migrants. This role is that of a transnational social economic support network (Barbali 2009:110-110). Talibes are organized into daairas. These daairas operate as support structures for talibes in terms of providing social support when a new talibe arrives in a foreign country as well as economic support. Talibes in Senegal communicate to talibes in foreign countries and setup airport pickups, accommodation and orientation for new talibes arriving from Senegal (Barbali 2009:100-101).

Barbali once again provides an ethnographic evidence for this claim. She interviewed a Senegalese man in Port Elizabeth who communicates to his talibes within his daaira back in Senegal and helps new Senegalese get started in Port Elizabeth.

You see, we are all brothers. So when he wanted to come here, he called someone and its was organized for someone to meet him that side at the airport in Jo’burg. Then they put him on the train to Port Elizabeth and I went to collected him at the train (Barbali 2009:101).

In conclusion, religion plays an important role in the experiences of Senegalese migrants. The core ideologies of Islam and Sufi’ism, with specific focus on the Mouride brotherhood, shape the behaviours and perceptions of Senegalese migrants. This in turn shapes the way that locals perceive Senegalese migrants. This is especially relevant to the level of involvement of Senegalese migrants in the 2008 xenophobic outbreaks in South Africa in which it is argued that the Senegalese were largely unaffected. It is also important to note that the Mouride brother acts as a transnational socio-economic support system from Senegalese migrants.

List of References:

Barbali, S. 2009. Coping with Xenophobi: Senegalese Migrants in Port Elizabeth. Rhodes University MA Thesis.

Riccio, B. 2004. “Transnational Mouridism and the Afro-Muslim critique of Italy” in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30 (5): 929-944.

Villalon, L.A. 1995. Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal. Cambridge University Press.

Zinn, D.L. 2005. “The Senegalese: Immigrants in Bari: What Happens when Africans Peer Back” in Benmayar, R & Skotones, A (Eds). 2005. Migration and Identity. Transaction Publihsers: New Brunswick and London.